Jaunas receptes

Iegūstiet to tūlīt: prezidenta Obamas alus komplekts

Iegūstiet to tūlīt: prezidenta Obamas alus komplekts


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Kāds mājās gatavots alus veikals Čikāgā pārdod komplektu ar prezidenta recepti

Tagad, kad visi ir iepazinušies ar prezidenta Obamas alus recepti, ir pienācis laiks nobaudīt. Lai gan mājražotāji var pagatavot savu medus blondo alu, dažiem no mums var būt nepieciešama pieredzējušāku alus darītāju palīdzība. Par laimi, Čikāgā Alus nometne ir pastiprinājis uzdevumu.

Pateicoties Zagat lai norādītu uz Brew Camp jaunāko papildinājumu saviem komplektiem - Baltā nama medus blondo alu un Porteru. Tam ir visas sastāvdaļas, kas uzskaitītas prezidenta Obamas receptē, ar vienu izņēmumu: bioloģiskais medus, kas ražots Ilinoisā, nevis medus, kas audzēts Mišelas Obamas bišu stropos.

Ja neesat Čikāgas apgabalā, kur varat iegādāties komplektu Brew Camp Linkolna laukuma vietā, varat to pasūtīt tiešsaistē. Ja jūs to darāt, varat arī apmeklēt receptes, kas paredzētas mājās gatavotam dzērienam. Domājat, ka Obama parādīsies? Viņš varētu iegūt vēl dažas balsis.


Kā pagatavot Helles Bock Homebrew izaicinājums

Helles Bock cēlies no Vācijas pilsētas Einbekas viduslaikos. Helles Bock jeb Maibock, kā tas parasti tiek minēts, kļuva populārs 13. gadsimtā. Einbokas pilsēta kļuva par Hanzas savienības sastāvdaļu.

Tā bija alianse starp tirdzniecības valstīm no Baltijas jūras līdz Ziemeļjūrai un ietvēra gandrīz 200 pilsētas. Alianse palīdzēja aizsargāt kopējās ekonomiskās intereses.

Lai kļūtu par līgas dalībnieku, pilsētai bija jānodrošina preces citām pilsētām. Einbeka gadījumā viņu Helles Bock bija atlīdzība Hanzas savienībā iesaistītajiem.

Transkripcija: Guten tags. Šodien mēs runāsim par Helles Bock brūvēšanu un misas atdzesēšanu.

Sveiki, es un#8217m ar Martin Keen piedalāmies Homebrew Challenge, lai pagatavotu visus 99 alus stilus, kā noteikts BJCP. Un šodien es gatavoju savu pirmo vācu Bahu. Tas ’s 4C Hellas Bach, pazīstams arī kā Maybach. Tā kā šis ir vācu Baha alus, tam piemīt tādas īpašības, kādas piemīt citiem Boka aliem. Tam ir tik spēcīga, iesalaina spēcīga garša, un tajā ir arī salīdzinoši augsts alkohola saturs.

Bet atšķirībā no citiem boksiem tas ir daudz, daudz bālāks. Tāpēc ļaujiet mums apskatīt šī alus sastāvdaļas. Es faktiski apvienoju divus dažādus iesalus kā pamata iesalu. Pirmkārt, man ir tas, ko jūs patiešām gaidāt, tas ir vācu Pilsnera iesals, kas iet iekšā. Man ir sešas mārciņas no tā. Es to apvienoju ar Māri Ūdri, piecām mārciņām Māra Ūdra.

Tagad, jā, es apzinos, ka Māris Ūdrs nav nekāds vācu grauds. Tā ir britu valoda, bet man ļoti patika tāda cepuma īpašība, kādu tas man piešķirs, nedaudz vairāk, nekā tad, ja es to būtu kaut kur saskārusies ar tonnu Minhenes vai Vīnes iesala.

Tagad, sakot, man ir arī trīs mārciņas Minhenes iesala, ko es pievienošu arī pamatam, lai es varētu nokļūt pie alus, kas būs aptuveni 7%

Tagad, lai sasniegtu vārīšanās smagumu 1,070 I ’m, izmantojot 14 mārciņas graudu, kas, iespējams, ir visvairāk I ’ve, ko esmu lietojis jebkurā alā, ko es līdz šim un šajā laikā esmu brūvējis šajā unikālajā sistēmā. vispirms to ievietoju, es pat nedomāju, ka tas derēs. Bet dodot tam maisa un mazliet laika, lai tur nokārtotu graudus, un šķiet, ka tas darbojas diezgan labi. Tagad es ’ m gatavošu šo masu pie 152 Fārenheita, un es ’ m tiecos uz 1,060 gravitāciju pirms vārīšanās.

Tagad jautrā daļa, no šīs misas izceļot 14 mārciņas mitru graudu.

Apiņiem. Tas ir mūsu vecais draugs Hallertau Mittelfgrup. Es izmantoju divas unces, kas pēc 60 minūtēm būs rūgtais lēciens un pēc tam 50 minūtes no beigām vēl viena kārta.

Tāpēc nedaudz runāsim par misas atdzesēšanu, jo tā man pēdējo nedēļu laikā ir bijusi pastāvīga problēma. Es visus šos atpalicējus gatavoju vasaras vidū. Tāpēc es izmantoju šo iegremdēšanas dzesētāju. Tā ir apnikusi Hidra, un tā vienkārši ielejas vārīšanās tējkannā.

Un tas, kas šajā jomā ir jauks, ir trīskāršā spole, lai ūdens nonāktu un izietu cauri trim atsevišķām spolēm, pirms piekļūstat otrai pusei. Tagad Jaded apgalvo, ka šis puisis var atdzesēt jūsu misas no vārīšanās līdz 68 grādiem, kas ir alus pīķa temperatūra trīs minūtēs. Lai to izdarītu, ir daži brīdinājumi.

Pirmkārt, caur šo lietu jums jāiegūst milzīgs ūdens daudzums. Tāpēc tas iesaka sešus galonus minūtē steigties pa turieni. Tagad es izmērīju jaucējkrāna ātrumu alus darītavā, un es saņēmu apmēram trīs galonus minūtē.

Tāpēc es izmantoju āra jaucējkrānu ar šļūtenes cauruli. Līdz ar to man sanāk apmēram pieci galoni minūtē, tātad diezgan tuvu. Tagad otra lieta, lai iegūtu tik ātru atdzesēšanas temperatūru, ir acīmredzami, lai sāktu ar aukstu krāna ūdeni. Tas saka, ka jūs saņemsiet šos, šo atdzesēšanu līdz 68 grādiem trīs minūtēs, ja jums ir 58 grādu krāna ūdens. Labi, tas šeit nenotiek. Agrā rudenī Ziemeļkarolīnā mans gruntsūdens ir ap 82 grādiem. Tātad tas, kas līdz šim ir noticis ar visiem manis gatavotajiem lāgeriem, ir tas, ka es diezgan ātri varu atdzist līdz 90 Fārenheita skalas, un tad man trūkst veiksmes.

Tātad, ko darīt? Patiesībā Jaded, jums ir potenciāls risinājums, lai varētu apiet šo silto gruntsūdeni. Un es to pārbaudīšu ar šodienas brūvēšanu.

Kas attiecas uz iegremdēšanas dzesētāju, es parasti to ātri izskaloju izlietnē un pēc tam, kad vārīšanās laikā ir palikušas 10 minūtes, es to ievietoju misā, lai to dezinficētu. Kad laiks ir beidzies, es iedarbinu sūkni, lai tas cirkulētu, un izeju ārā un ieslēdzu dārza šļūteni, lai sāktu sūknēt ūdeni caur iegremdēšanas dzesētāju.

Tagad šeit notiks tas, kas notiks diezgan strauji līdz aptuveni 10 Fārenheita grādiem virs manas gruntsūdens temperatūras, kas ir aptuveni 82 Fārenheita. Tāpēc es nonākšu līdz deviņdesmito gadu zemākajam līmenim, un tad tas tiešām nespēs iet daudz tālāk. Ieteicamais alus darīšanas ieteikums ir piepildīt spaini ar piecām galonām ūdens, astoņām mārciņām ledus un pēc tam ņemt sūkni šeit un sūknēt ledus ūdeni caur iegremdēšanas dzesētāju, lai patiešām atdzesētu pēdējo misas gabaliņu.

Tāpēc es gaidīšu, kamēr sasniegšu 90 grādus pēc Fārenheita. Tad es ņemšu ledaino ūdeni un sūknēšu to šeit. Tātad, mēs ejam. Tas aizņēma tikai piecas, sešas minūtes. Um, mēs esam aptuveni 10 Fārenheita gruntsūdens temperatūrā. Tāpēc ļaujiet lietot ledus ūdeni. Ledus ūdens tagad ir tikai nedaudz, dažus grādus virs sasalšanas, tāpēc tas ir gatavs lietošanai.

Tātad, kā tas izdevās? Mēs sākām pie 90 un vienkārši to izlaidām caur šo spaini, iespējams, ne ilgāk kā divas vai trīs minūtes, un mēs nokritām līdz 70 Fārenheita grādiem. Tā ka ’ darbojās diezgan labi. Tagad 70 Fārenheita? Jā, tas joprojām nav augstāks par piķa temperatūru, bet tas ir daudz, daudz tuvāk. Tas nozīmē, ka man tagad tikai jānolaiž vēl 15 vai 20 Fārenheita manas fermentācijas kamerā, pirms varu ielikt raugu.

Tāpēc man vajadzētu pievienot raugu daudz ātrāk nekā agrāk, kad es sāku pie 90 Fārenheita un man vajadzēja pazemināties par 40 grādiem. Runājot par raugu, es izveidoju WLP 830 starteri, tas ir vācu lager raugs. Es to pievienoju 50 grādos. Lūk, ko es ’m darīšu, lai to pazeminātu līdz 50 grādiem.

Tāpēc es šeit ieguvu saldētavu krūtīs, es to iestatīju uz 36 Fārenheita grādiem, un es ievietoju savu alu šeit fermentatorā, un es arī ievietoju slīpu bezvadu hidrometru, kas man rādīs temperatūras sensoru Mans telefons. Es varu izsekot, cik vēsa misa tā ir un kad tā sasniedz 50 Fārenheita skalas, un kad pievienoju savu raugu.

Starp citu, iemesls, kāpēc man šeit ir šī dezinficētās folijas daļa, nevis gaisa aizslēgs, ir mazliet noraizējusies par sūkšanu atpakaļ temperatūras izmaiņu dēļ. Es biju nobažījies, ka daži šķidrumi, kas atrodas gaisa slēdzenē, var atkal tikt iesūkti šeit.

Līdzīgi kā ar aukstu avāriju. Tāpēc, kamēr es to sasitu līdz rauga piķa temperatūrai, es to vienkārši pārklāju ar šo foliju. Es to nomainīšu ar gaisa bloķētāju, tiklīdz es sasniegšu vēlamo temperatūru.

Tāpēc es esmu šeit kopā ar Braienu. Mēs izmēģināsim Helles boku. Jā, es esmu sajūsmā. Jā. Tātad šis fermentējās līdz 1.013, un tas man deva 7,5% gravitāciju, kas bija tik spēcīga vācu lageram.

Tas ir, vai ir kāds komerciāls, uh, alus, ko es atpazīstu? Vārdi, kurus es zinātu. Jā. Man tas ir pilnīgi jauns stils. Nekur neesmu to redzējis. Tas ir pazīstams arī kā Maybach, tāpēc jūs, iespējams, esat to redzējis. Tātad, tas bija Maybach, bet nē, man būs jauna pieredze. Labi. Tātad, pirmkārt, tas izskatās šādi: vai tas jums izskatās kā tipiska Maybach krāsa? Jā. Jā tieši tā. No visām pastkastītēm, ko esmu redzējis, šī noteikti ir tipiskākā, kļavīgākā.

Labi. Labi. Un tomēr tā ir jauka krāsa. Tas ir jauks zeltains dzintars. Un tāpēc es domāju, kā es to aprakstīšu. Jā. Jā. Tāpēc aromātā, manuprāt, nav daudz.

Nē, tas noteikti ir, tur ’s nav, es domāju, tur ’, tur ’ nav apiņu. Hmm, es arī īsti neatklāju saldumu. Tas ’s, tas ’s ļoti, um, tas ’s, tas ’s ir ļoti maz uz deguna šajā. Jā. Jā. Jā. Tātad, redzēsim, ko mēs domājam par a, jā. A Helles Bock. Noteikti. Iesals, vai ne? Jā. Jā. Tur ’s, tur ’s nav apiņu tur. Jebkurā tuvumā jūs jūtat rūgtumu, ko jūs nogaršojat. Um, man tas ’s, tas ’s mazliet atbilst savam bock nosaukumam, neskatoties uz to, ka tas neizskatās pēc jebkura veida boka, es to atzītu.

Jā. Bet tas noteikti ir ļoti, uh, iesals uz priekšu, un jūs teicāt, ka tajā ir 7,9% alkohola? Jā. Hm, bet man tomēr nav stipras alkohola garšas, man nepatīk, ka tas nejūtas un negaršo kā tur daudz alkohola. Tie ir labākie. Jā, noteikti.

Nu labi. Mēs esam, mēs tagad esam ļoti pazīstami Helles Bock / Maybach veidos. Mēs zinām, kā garšo šis. Mēs pieņemsim, ka tas nav saistīts ar stilu, vai ne? Jā. Mēs esam. Mēs esam. Viss kārtībā. Priekā.

Tas ir pārsteidzoši, cik dažādas sastāvdaļas nav tik atšķirīgas starp šo un pēdējo. Tiešām. Jā. Viņi garšo tik dažādi.

Kura tev patīk labāk? Sveiki, man šķiet, ka man tas patīk labāk. Tas noteikti.


Baltā nama alus recepte: Informācijas brīvības likuma pieprasījums iesniegts Obamas alus darītavai

Obama ir pietiekami liels sava Baltā nama alus (un alus kopumā) cienītājs, ka tagad to nēsā kampaņas autobusā un laiku pa laikam izdala pudeles. Lai gan patiesībā tas var būt lielisks alus, mēs to īsti nezinām, jo ​​lielākā daļa no mums to nekad nav mēģinājuši. Tāpēc Reddit lietotājs nolēma iesniegt Informācijas brīvības likuma pieprasījumu par Baltā nama medus alu recepti vai jebkuru citu Baltā nama brūvējumu, kurā ietilpst Baltā nama medus porteris un Baltā nama medus blondīne. Visi trīs izmanto medu no Mišela Obamas Baltā nama dārza.

Fedblog norāda, ka šis nav pirmais oficiālais receptes pieprasījums. Lūgumraksts nesen tika iesniegts Baltā nama tīmekļa vietnē, taču pirms tā pārskatīšanas tam ir vajadzīgi 25 000 parakstu. Kopš šīs rakstīšanas tai ir 295. Vēl tikai 24 705! Lūgumrakstā tiek prasīts: "Ievērojot dibinātāju alus darīšanas tradīcijas, mājražotāji visā Amerikā aicina Obamas administrāciju izdot Baltā nama mājas brūvēšanas recepti, lai to varētu baudīt visi."

Tomēr ar šo FOIA pieprasījumu varētu būt cerība. Bezbailīgais FOIA reģistrators paskaidro:

Es esmu nepilngadīgs valdības darbinieks. Jūs būtu pārsteigti par lietām, ko mēs darīsim jūsu labā, ja jūs saprātīgi un nedaudz humora veidā iesniedzat dīvainu pieprasījumu. Ja es uzjautrinos, es iešu augstāk un tālāk, un jūs to nevarat iegūt, ja nejautājat.

Tomēr visticamāk ir tas, ka nav atsaucīga dokumenta, un alus darītājs to dara no galvas vai personīgām piezīmēm vai kādas citas neapstrīdamas metodes. Jebkurā gadījumā esmu pakļauts tāda cilvēka kaprīzei un humora izjūtai, kuram nav iemesla ar mani rīkoties. [. ]

Personīgā piezīmju grāmatiņa vai e -pasts par sastāvdaļām, iespējams, neietilpst FOIA "dokumentu" definīcijā, bet alus darīšanas rokasgrāmata vai saņēmēja grāmata vai kaut kas līdzīgs, kas tiek izmantots citu apmācībai, BŪTU atsaucīgs dokuments. Ja man paveiksies, to es dabūšu.

Viena lieta par FOIA tomēr ir tāda, ka viņiem nav pienākuma izveidot dokumentu, kas jau nepastāv, t.i., nav jāiet uz virtuvi, lai pavārs to pierakstītu. Tas nenozīmē, ka pieprasījums pareizās personas rokās, iespējams, nenotiks, bet tikai FOIA neuzliek viņiem pienākumu darīt kaut ko līdzīgu.

Prezidents Obama pirmajā pilnvaru gadā izdeva rīkojumu izpildvarai attiecībā uz FOIA. Viņš īpaši uzdeva aģentūrām kļūdīties informācijas atklāšanas gadījumā, ja kādreiz ir bijis jautājums par pieprasījuma pamatotību vai to, cik lielā mērā pieprasījums ir jārespektē. Es domāju, ka viņa personīgais personāls sekos viņa norādījumiem.


Donalds Tramps ir liels KFC fans

Tur, kur ved McDonald's, sekos KFC - un tas nekur nav tik patiess kā prezidenta iecienītāko ēdienu sarakstā. 2016. gada vidū ievērojami mazāk reibinošajās dienās Tramps tviterī ierakstīja savu fotoattēlu savā privātajā lidmašīnā, uzdzenot patiesu KFC banketu (iespējams, viņam patiks šī kopējošā KFC vistas recepte vēl vairāk). Turpmākā izmeklēšana, ko veica The Washington Post atklāja daudz par Trampa maltīti.

Proti, ka viņa $ 20 aizpildīšanas spainis ir paredzēts, lai pabarotu nelielu grupu (lai gan, godīgi sakot, pēc fotoattēla uzņemšanas viņš, iespējams, dalījās), ka viņa nerūsējošā tērauda naža, dakšas un karotes izmantošana bija nedaudz dīvaina ņemot vērā viņa vakariņas. Viņi arī atzīmēja, ka viņš izvēlējās lasāmvielu, ko ieturēt maltītes laikā The Wall Street Journal un senāta demokrātu vēstules kopija prezidentam Obamam, kurā mudināts uzņemt vairāk Sīrijas bēgļu ASV. Nekas nepareizs, ja esat informēts, kamēr ceļā ēdat savu gardo cepto vistu.


Kā pagatavot Jaunanglijas IPA [NEIPA] 7 dienās

Jaunanglijas IPA ir amerikāņu IPA stils, kas pagriezis alus pasauli uz galvas. Tas satur diezgan intensīvu tropisko augļu apiņu aromātu un garšu. Tas ir stipri izžuvis, tāpēc tas veicina alus miglaino izskatu.

Jaunanglijas IPA ir pilns ķermenis, gluda garša un mazāk jūtams rūgtums, ko piedāvā tipisks IPA.

Transkripcija: Šodien es gatavoju Jaunanglijas IPA. Un mērķis šeit ir ātri paveikt šo lietu, bet panākt, lai tas tiktu paveikts labi. Es plānoju nākamnedēļ dzert šo alu. Ļaujiet ’ to izdarīt.

Mani sauc Martin Keen. Un šajā kanālā Homebrew izaicinājums I ’m gatavojas 99 nedēļu laikā pagatavot 99 dažādus alus stilus. Tagad Jaunanglijas IPA nav manā 99 alus sarakstā, taču es nevarēju pretoties viena brūvēšanai, jo šis ir alus, kas ir gan lieliski dzerams, gan izaicinošs brūvēt.

Tagad tas ir tas miglains alus tas ir patiešām sulīgs, un tas ir ļoti atturīgs apiņu rūgtumā, bet ļoti daudz augļu uz priekšu un apiņu raksturs. Un parunāsim par sastāvdaļām, kas ir svarīgas tās pagatavošanai.

Mēs vēlamies šeit izveidot diezgan neitrālu paliktni, jo tas, ko mēs vēlamies akcentēt, ir apiņi. Bet mēs arī vēlamies pievienot dažus augsta proteīna iesala veidus, piemēram, kviešus un auzas, lai patiešām palīdzētu alus mutē un arī miglas stabilitātei. Tagad es ’m gatavoju šeit uzbūvēt alu ap 10 66 sākotnējo gravitāciju. Tātad mēs skatāmies uz apmēram 6% alus.

Mans bāzes iesals ir 2 rindu iesals, un tas veido 52% no būtības. Tad 15% no pamatnes ir pārslu pārslas un pēc tam 11% no katra mūsu aromātiskā iesala, Carafoam galvas saglabāšanai un 11% no balto kviešu iesala.

Tagad es parasti neveidoju lielu nozīmi par ūdens sāļiem un ūdens ķīmiju, bet es domāju, ka šeit ir vērts norādīt par šo alus stilu. Parasti IPA, jūs vēlaties augstu sulfāta attiecību un tas uzsver apiņu rūgtumu.

Bet ar jauno Anglijas IPA jūs faktiski vēlaties augstuma hlorīda attiecību. Tātad no hlorīda līdz sulfātiem. Un manā piecu galonu vai 19 litru partijā es izmantoju daudz šī kalcija hlorīda, lai to panāktu. Tātad mani ūdens sāļi ir 10 grami kalcija hlorīda un pēc tam divi grami Epsom sāls un divi grami ģipša. Un arī, lai novērstu misas pH, tajā nav daudz grauzdētu iesala. Tātad, lai samazinātu šo pH, es izmantoju četrus mililitrus pienskābes.

Un es sajaucu temperatūrā 152 Fārenheita, 67 Celsija apmēram stundu. Kamēr tas tiek sabojāts un laiks kafijas pauzei.

Ja mājās gatavojamo dzērienu pagatavošanas laikā jums ir nitro krāns, es ļoti ieteiktu to izmantot, lai pasniegtu nitro auksti pagatavotu kafiju. Tas ir ideāls toniks šīm agrajām rīta brūvēšanas dienām.

Tagad, kamēr tas man aiz muguras aizplūst un es gatavojos vārīties, ļaujiet mums mazliet parunāt par apiņiem. Viss, ko es izmantošu apiņu ziņā, būs vai nu Simtgade, Amarillo vai galaktika. Tagad parasti ar jaunajiem Anglijas IPA ’s jūs patiešām vēlaties dot priekšroku apiņu novēlotajai pievienošanai, tāpēc burbuļvannā vai sausā lēcienā un ne pārāk daudz tējkannā.

Tas, ko es darīšu, ir tas, ka es vāros tikai 30 minūtes. Un es šeit pievienošu vienu simtgades maksu. Šī ir viena unce simtgades, ko es iemetu 30 minūtēs. Un tas ir viss, ko es daru, lai apiņotu.

Labi. Tas ir 30 minūtes. Es izslēgšu siltumu. Tagad nākamais apiņu papildinājums ir Whirlpool apiņu izdevums. Un tas, ko es šeit ieguvu, ir viena unce. Katrs no simtgades, galaktikas un Amarillo. Un es vēlos to burbuļot nedaudz zemākā temperatūrā nekā viršanas temperatūra.

Tāpēc es pazemināšu temperatūru līdz aptuveni 180 Fārenheita vai 82 grādiem pēc Celsija, un pēc tam pievienoju šos apiņus apmēram 20 minūtes. Un tikai pazeminot šo temperatūru, man vajadzētu spēt no šiem apiņiem izvilkt nedaudz vairāk garšas. Tātad veids, kā es to darīšu, ir tas, ka es tikai vienu sekundi darbināšu plākšņu dzesētāju, lai šo temperatūru pazeminātu par dažiem grādiem.

Nē, man īsti nav izveidota neviena Whirlpool ierīce, bet tas, ko es esmu darījis, ir tas, ka es tikko sūkni atkal cirkulēju, un tad es arī gatavoju tam izmaisīt, lai saglabātu visu šķidruma, kas te plūst cauri un iet pāri apiņiem.

Tagad parunāsim par šī alus ātruma aspektu. Kā mēs to apgriezīsim pēc nedēļas? Veids, kā es to darīšu, ir tas, ka es to fermentēju šajā fermzilā, kas ir zem spiediena esošs fermentators, kas var izturēt līdz 35 PSI spiedienu. Un, fermentējot zem spiediena, man nav pārāk jāuztraucas par temperatūru, kurā es raudzēju. Tātad tas var būt nedaudz siltāks nekā parasti, kas paātrinās lietas.

Alus darītājiem, kuri vēlas visas koniskā fermentatora priekšrocības bez nerūsējošā tērauda vienības cenu zīmes. Ļauj izgāzt krūmus, novākt raugu, karbonātu un pasniegt - viss vienā traukā!

Un arī tas karbonizēs alu, kamēr tas fermentēsies. Tātad vēl mazliet laika taupīšanas.

Tagad ir divas lietas ar fermentāciju jaunajā Anglijas IPA, kas ir nedaudz pretrunīgas. Viens no tiem ir jaunais Anglijas IPA, šķiet, ir diezgan jutīgs pret aukstās puses oksidāciju. Ja alus tiek oksidēts, tas patiešām var notrulināt šo apiņu garšu un izraisīt tumšāku alu.

Bet šajā alū jums jāpievieno arī sausa apiņu ķekars, un sauso apiņu pievienošana rada iespēju pievienot skābekli. Tāpēc man ir pāris traku ideju, kā to atrisināt.

Tagad es alu papildināšu ar divām uzlādētām sausām apiņām. Atkal, tas ir Amarillo, galaktika un simtgades viena unce. Es pievienošu vienu no šiem sausā apiņu lādētājiem tieši pirms alus fermentācijas beigām. Un tad vēl vienu, pāris dienas pēc tam.

Tāpēc es vēlos, lai varētu pievienot šos apiņus, faktiski neatverot fermentatoru, jo īpaši ar fermentāciju zem spiediena. Ja jūs to atverat fermentācijas laikā, tad tas vienkārši kļūs ļoti, ļoti augsts, un jūs varat nonākt lielā putrā.

Tātad pirmais veids, kā fermentācijas laikā pievienot apiņus.

Nu, es to izdomāju, un tas ir divi franču preses maisiņi, kurus izmantoju aukstās kafijas pagatavošanai. Un es tos piesaistīju mazam stienim, mazam magnēta stienim no maisīšanas plāksnes. Un mana ideja ir tāda, ka es ielikšu tos šeit un pēc tam izmantosim šo magnētu, lai tos šeit pakarinātu. Un viņi vienkārši sēž, kamēr alus rūgst. Tad, kad es pievienošu gatavu to pievienošanai, es vienkārši noņemšu magnētu.

Šajā 20 minūšu laikā virpuļvanna samazinājās līdz aptuveni 158 Fārenheita grādiem. Tagad man caur plākšņu dzesētāju atkal tek ūdens, lai to atdzesētu līdz rauga pīķa temperatūrai.

Raugs šim alum ir Wyeast 1187. Tas ir Ringwood Ale raugs. Man patīk šis un tā augļu esteri. Tāpēc es to pievienošu. Tagad sākotnējā gravitācija ir 1,066, un, lai, cerams, raugs sāktos ātrāk, es arī šeit ieskrēju skābekļa nūjiņu. Tagad, pirms es aizveru vāku, ir pienācis laiks manam apiņu līdzsvarošanas darbam.

Šķiet, ka tur. Es varēju uzvilkt augšdaļu un pievilkt to. Pēdējā lieta, ko esmu izdarījis, ir tas, ka no šīs gāzes esmu pievienojis mucu. Un tad tas nonāca mucā esošajā šķidrumā. Un tad, izplūstot gāzei, es ievietoju spundēšanas vārstu, kas iestatīts uz 15 PSI. Tāpēc es efektīvi izmantošu savu mucu kā gaisa slēdzeni. Un tas, ko es pamatā daru, ir izmantot CO2, kas rodas šajā fermzilā un šajā spiediena fermentācijas kamerā, lai noņemtu skābekli vai izspiestu skābekli manā mucā.

Un es arī šeit iemetu slīpuma bezvadu hidrometru. Tāpēc es varu sekot līdzi gravitācijai. Un, kad mēs tuvojamies gala gravitācijas sasniegšanai, tieši tad es ’m ielaidu šo kārtējo apiņu lādiņu alā, tiekamies pēc dažām dienām!

Tagad ir apmēram 24 stundas vēlāk, un apiņi joprojām stāv. Es visu laiku gaidīju, kad tie nokritīs, bet pagaidām viss ir kārtībā. Tagad šajā 24 stundu periodā mums ir sākotnējais smagums vai pašreizējais smagums, man jāsaka, ka 1,025. Tātad fermentācija jau ir ceļā.

Tāpēc tagad ir pienācis laiks pievienot šos apiņus, pievienojot apiņus aktīvās fermentācijas laikā, un mēs varam izmantot procesu, ko sauc par biotransformāciju, kas būtībā izmantos šo aktīvo raugu, lai dažus apiņu savienojumus patiešām pārveidotu. izvelciet no apiņiem šos sulīgos un augļu aromātus un garšas. Tāpēc ļaujiet ’s samazināt šo lietu.

Mēs esam vienu dienu tālāk, šķiet, ka fermentācija ir pabeigta. Man ir gravitācija 1,015, tāpēc ir pienācis laiks pēdējai simtgades, galaktikas un Amarillo apiņu uzlādei. Un šajā brīdī man jāatrod cits veids, kā šeit ievest apiņus, nepakļaujot alu skābeklim. Un veids, kā es to darīšu, es izmantošu mazo savācēja paplāti, kas atrodas šī fermentatora apakšā. Tātad jūs to parasti varat izmantot, piemēram, rauga uztveršanai utt.

Bet tas, ko es darīšu, ir tas, ka es to piepildīšu ar apiņiem un atkal piestiprināšu, un tad ļaušu alum iegrimt šajā savākšanas burkā. Tātad, viena lieta, kas man ir jāapsver, ir tad, kad es ievietoju apiņus, kuros es tagad daru, šī lieta joprojām ir skābekļa pilna. Tātad, kad šeit nonāk alus, tas oksidējas.

Tātad, ko es darīšu, lai to novērstu, es to izskalošu ar CO2. Tā vietā, lai izmantotu šos standarta pudeļu vāciņus, es pievienoju divus kombinētus vāciņus, un tie ļauj šeit izveidot ātru atvienošanu. Tas, ko es darīšu, ir tas, ka es izskalošu CO2, ko es esmu savācis savā mucā caur vienu no šiem un otru pusi. Un cerams, ka tad es varēšu izspiest lielāko daļu skābekļa no šīs lietas.

Ak, un, ja līdz šim brīdim tu domā, čalīt, vai tas tiešām ir vajadzīgs? Jūs, iespējams, saņēmāt labu punktu. Jūs, iespējams, varētu pagatavot diezgan pienācīgu jaunu Anglijas IPA plastmasas spainī, bet es cenšos darīt visu iespējamo, lai samazinātu skābekļa kontaktu ar šo alu. Un šī ir sava veida jautrība.

Tā kā tika izveidots spundēšanas vārsts, es sākotnēji uzliku, un man šeit ir muca, kas pilna ar 15 PSI CO2. Hm, es to izmantošu, lai to ievietotu šajā savākšanas burkā. Un tad es tikko pārvietoju savu spundēšanas vārstu uz otru pusi. Un mans mērķis šeit tagad ir iebīdīt CO2 šeit un pēc tam atbrīvot to, ko es ceru, ka lielākoties būs gaiss no izplūdes vārsta. Tāpēc es ’m visi esmu savienots. Patiešām, vienīgais, kas man tagad jādara, ir, atskrūvēt vārstu un izlaist gaisu.

Labi. Tāpēc tagad es izskaloju to ar uztverto CO2, un es tikai atstāšu to darboties tikai nedaudz. Tagad ir pienācis laiks atbrīvot alu.

Jā. Ir pagājušas sešas dienas un pēdējais posms ir iegūt šo alu mucā. Tāpēc es savienoju gāzi ar gāzi, pārlēku kabeli un šķidrumu uz šķidrumu. Abi šie kabeļi ir dezinficēti, bet tajos ir gaiss. Tāpēc es ’m tikai gatavojas burbēt viņus abus.

Tur mēs ejam. Tas ’s notīrīja visus tur esošos sanitārijas līdzekļus. Tā ka tagad ir gāze. Un tad mēs to faktiski varam piestiprināt pie gāzes stabiem.

Un tas ir mans šķidrums. Tāpēc es gribu vienkārši iespiesties šeit, lai izkļūtu gaiss un to aizstātu ar alu. Jā. Labi. Es arī piespiedīšu to pie mucas. Un tagad, lai sāktu pārsūtīšanu, man vienkārši jāsamazina spiediens muciņā. Nolaidiet to, palaidiet gravitāciju un ļaujiet tai lēnām pāriet mucā.

Atdzesējiet to un rīt pamēģiniet.

Septītā diena, un ir pienācis laiks nobaudīt alu kopā ar Lorēnu. Labdien, Lauren. Es uzskatu, ka jūs šodien ar nepacietību gaidījāt IPA. Man ir. Jā. Tātad šis, protams, neizraisīja aukstu avāriju. Jo es gribu, lai tas paliek mazliet miglains, bet paskatieties. Paskaties, ko tu domā par šī alus izskatu?

Tas izskatās ļoti skaisti. Hm, dūmaka noteikti ir. Es redzu, labi, es neredzu tam cauri.

Tieši tā. Jā, nē, man patīk šī jaukā zeltainā krāsa. Tas izskatās patiešām skaisti. Jā. Labi. Redzēsim, ko mēs iegūstam no aromāta. Es noteikti pārņemu citrusaugļu un augļu aromātu. Diezgan spēcīgi. Labi. Es tikai gribu to dzert. Izmēģināsim ’. Izmēģināsim ’. Tas ir tik labi. Jā. Patiešām labi!

Man. Um, ļoti svaiga garša, ļoti svaiga, ļoti sulīga. Hm, man garšā kļūst mazliet līdzīga svaigi spiestai apelsīnu sulai un nedaudz greipfrūtu. Kas tu esi?

Tāpēc ir smieklīgi, ka jūs to sakāt, jo mani divi iecienītākie IPA un#8217 ir Sierra Nevada Hazy Little Thing un Ballasa Puntina skulpīns. Un Sculpins greipfrūts man mazliet par to atgādina, un jā, es noteikti varu nobaudīt šīs apelsīnu un greipfrūtu piezīmes.

Man patīk tas, it kā, piemēram, tāpēc, ka jūsu tipiskais IPA ir diezgan rūgts, piemēram, beigās, turpretim tam nav tādas rūgtas garšas. Pareizi, pareizi. Pilnīgi noteikti. Hm, daudz vairāk augļu uz priekšu nekā jebkurš apiņu kodums. Taisnība?

Jā. Es domāju, noteikti pasakiet to un#8217 ir IPA. Tam ir augļi, bet tas nepatīk, piemēram, daži IPA un#8217 veidi, piemēram, popuri. Super ziedu. Jā. Tā kā tas vairāk ir auglis.

Jā. Jauks pret mani. Nu, sveiciens šim. Nu, nav slikti nedēļu un#8217 centieniem, vai ne? Viena nedēļa. Nē, tas nav slikti. Tas bija graudi maisā un tagad tas bija alus.


Baltā nama optimistiskais Obama atlēks no veselības problēmām

VAŠINGTONA - Viņš ir atgaisots, uzbrucis, atvainojies un pielāgojies. Tagad prezidentam Obamam ir atlicis viens solis, mēģinot glābt viņa veselības aprūpes likuma ieviešanu: ceru, ka vietne drīz darbosies.

Baltais nams, zinot, ka funkcionāla tīmekļa vietne ir nepieciešama, lai nomierinātu savus paniskos sabiedrotos, tagad ir iestājies nogaidīšanas periodā, kad notika satricinājumi pēc satricinājumiem, kas sekoja 1. oktobra ieviešanai. Kad tika atklāts jaunākais likuma labojums, aiz muguras zilumu parlamenta balsojums un eksperti, kas drudžaini strādā salauztā vietnē, administrācijas amatpersonas uzskata, ka viņi, iespējams, izturējuši vissliktāko.

Lai gan Obamas stāvoklis aptaujās un atbalsts viņa partijā ir strauji samazinājies, līdzīgi kā Džordža Buša otrā termiņa lejupvērstā trajektorija, Baltā nama amatpersonas uzskata, ka viņš joprojām var atgūties.

Šis optimistiskais novērtējums gandrīz pilnībā ir atkarīgs no administrācijas spējas atsāknēt veselības aprūpi. Uz spēles ir likts prezidenta paraksta sasniegums nākotnē, viņa politiskais stāvoklis un Kongresā ievainojamo demokrātu pārvēlēšanas izredzes.

Ja administrācija līdz novembra beigām sasniegs savu mērķi-vietne, kurā lielākoties nav problēmu, pēdējos divus mēnešus var atcerēties kā tikai vēl vienu nāves gūšanas pieredzi veselības aprūpes kapitālajam remontam, kura ir bijis daudz. Lai gan daudzi apdrošināšanas vadītāji un Kongresa demokrāti ir dusmīgi uz Obamu par to, kā viņš rīkojas ar veselības aprūpes likumu, abām grupām ir spēcīgi stimuli, lai palīdzētu Likumam par pieņemamu aprūpi gūt panākumus.

Bet, ja Baltajam namam neizdosies, nesenās neveiksmes varētu kļūt par nepatikšanas gadu sākumu amatā esošajiem demokrātiem, kā arī tiem, kas vēlas tur nokļūt, piekrīt amatpersonas.

Administrācijas amatpersonas privāti atzīst, ka neviens arguments, kas aizstāv Obamacare, nebūs savienojams ar amerikāņiem, kamēr viņi nesāks redzēt likuma sekas darbā. Neviens risinājums vai pagaidu labojums nesasniegs pietiekami daudz cilvēku, lai izveidotu atbalsta kritisko masu. Tīmekļa vietnei ir jādarbojas, atzīst nervozie palīgi, kuri dažreiz izspļauj vārdu “vietne” ar nicinājumu, kas pazīstams ikvienam, kurš kādreiz ir zvanījis tehnoloģiju palīdzības dienestam.

Obama ceturtdien atklāja savu neapmierinātību, Baltā nama preses konferencē sacīdams, ka viņam ir pienākums parādīt amerikāņiem, ka likums ir padarījis veselības apdrošināšanu pieejamāku un pieejamāku - „ja mēs vienkārši varam panākt, lai vietne sāktu darboties un šo lietu izlīdzinātu. ”

Amatpersonas piektdien paziņoja, ka gūst panākumus daudzajos vietnes trūkumos un kļūdās. Tagad lapas ielāde vidēji aizņem mazāk nekā vienu sekundi, salīdzinot ar astoņām sekundēm nedēļās pēc palaišanas, sacīja Džefrijs Zients, bijušais administrācijas augstākais ierēdnis, kurš tika atgriezts, lai uzraudzītu remontu. Viņš teica, ka vietne var "ērti" apkalpot 20 000 līdz 25 000 patērētāju, un tiek pievienota lielāka jauda.

Tomēr joprojām pastāv problēmas sistēmā, kas nosūta patērētājiem informāciju apdrošinātājiem, un, tā kā eksperti ir atzīmējuši 200 programmatūras problēmas, arvien vairāk parādās. Zients sacīja, ka ierēdņi plāno sasniegt 30. novembra mērķi, taču piebilda: "Ne visiem patērētājiem, kuri apmeklēs vietni, būs nevainojama pieredze."

While the tech team works, the president must convince his allies as well as his potential adversaries that, as he said Thursday, he’s a clutch player who knows how to recover from a fumble.

That group includes insurance executives who were called to the White House on Friday to discuss Obama’s answer to the millions of policy cancellation notices sent to surprised consumers. After announcing Thursday that he would allow insurers to rescind those cancellations and extend the policies for another year, the president sought to persuade the executives to take him up on the offer.

The group also includes Democrats on Capitol Hill, many of whom have gone from disgruntled to distrustful of the White House. On Friday, 39 House Democrats voted for the GOP alternative to Obama’s extension fix.

That sizable number of largely swing-district lawmakers was only the most visible sign of broader dissatisfaction that makes Obama’s current holding pattern a challenge. Even those who stuck with the White House on Friday’s vote have expressed frustration. In the wake of Obama’s announcement, lawmakers were left to figure out whether their state officials and insurers would go along with the plan. Skepticism was high.

“The message from the White House is, ‘OK, you can be mad, it’s frustrating. But be on the program,’” said one advisor to a House Democrat, who asked for anonymity while characterizing internal discussions. “But what program is that? The program where every five minutes there’s a different plan?”

Polling shows the public has similar doubts. For the first time in his presidency, fewer than half of Americans polled told Gallup that Obama was a “strong and decisive leader,” a 6-percentage-point drop since September. The perception of Obama as “honest and trustworthy” and public confidence in his ability to manage government took a similar tumble.

A continued slide, combined with continued technical glitches, could leave the White House little choice but to make additional changes to the law — mostly likely extending the enrollment period and delaying the penalties for people who don’t carry insurance. Senate Democrats already have urged such a move.

But in the face of ardent Republican opposition to the law — House Speaker John A. Boehner (R-Ohio) on Friday repeated his hope to repeal “this train wreck” — the White House has resisted any fix that puts it at the mercy of House Republicans and pushes votes on the law well into an election year.

“That will always be an option of extreme last resort,” said Drew Altman, president and chief executive of the Kaiser Family Foundation.

The White House has long argued that the popularity of the healthcare law will hinge on the popularity of its benefits — an untested theory until the public can easily access the online marketplaces that showcase most of those benefits. Still, in the pileup of bad news for Obama, there was some reason to hope that the policy now largely locked behind the broken site might have a chance of winning over the public.

Though enrollment numbers in October were dismal, consumer interest was strong. Nationwide, more than 1.1 million people completed applications to get coverage 106,000 actually selected a plan.

Data from several states operating their own marketplaces suggest demand for health plans may be accelerating.

In California, 35,000 people selected a health plan in October. Nearly the same number signed up in just the first two weeks of November, according to Covered California, the state’s marketplace. Kentucky has seen similar growth: 5,586 people signed up in October, and nearly 4,000 did in the first two weeks of November.

“We are feeling incredibly optimistic,” said Gwenda Bond, a spokeswoman for the state health agency that operates Kentucky’s marketplace, known as kynect.

The White House may have a long wait, Altman noted, before it knows how far that optimism will spread.

“In the long term, ultimately, the website will be working, this issue of cancellations will be in the rear-view mirror and the real question will be whether people who get coverage under the law like it or not,” Altman said. “The real story about whether the law works or not will unfold next year and the year after that.”


Clean water, great beer

The Natural Resources Defense Council has been promoting a "Clean Water, Great Beer"campaign that emphasizes the importance of the beverage's No. 1 ingredient.

"Beer is about 90 per cent water, and the quality of local water supplies has been critical to brewing beer for centuries," the organization says on its website.

Brewers depend on clean, plentiful water supplies and those supplies depend on "responsible regulation" that protect them from pollution, according to the NRDC. It claims the Clean Water Act is at risk unless the EPA follows through on its draft proposal.

Forty craft beer companies have so far signed on to the NRDC's campaign.

"It's important that we as business owners look forward to ensure that the water sources we currently have available to us stay in the condition that they are in, and improve," Matt Gregg, owner of the Arbor Brewing Company, says in an online video.

"Clean water is a palette for a brewer," Brett Porter, brew master at Goose Island Beer Company in Chicago, says in his own video. "Clean water is the first thing the brewer needs to have in their plant.”

The brewers have written to President Barack Obama urging his administration to make the proposed guidelines final. They say the new rules will mean cleaner water, and great-tasting beer.

These brewers get their other ingredients — hops, barley, wheat — from farmers, some of whom aren't happy about the EPA's efforts, along with other business owners including land developers.


How Obama lost his voice, and how he can get it back

President Obama entered office wrapped in a mantle of moral leadership. His call for change was rooted in values that had long been eclipsed in our public life: a sense of mutual responsibility, commitment to equality and belief in inclusive diversity. Those values inspired a new generation of voters, restored faith to the cynical and created a national movement.

Now, 18 months and an “enthusiasm gap” later, the nation’s major challenges remain largely unmet, and a discredited conservative movement has reinvented itself in a more virulent form.

This dramatic reversal is not the result of bad policy as such the president made some real policy gains. It is not a consequence of a president who is too liberal, too conservative or too centrist. And it is not the doing of an administration ignorant of Washington’s ways. Nor can we honestly blame the system, the media or the public — the ground on which presidential politics is always played.

It is the result, ironically, of poor leadership choices.

Abandoning the “transformational” model of his presidential campaign, Obama has tried to govern as a “transactional” leader. These terms were coined by political scientist James MacGregor Burns 30 years ago. “Transformational” leadership engages followers in the risky and often exhilarating work of changing the world, work that often changes the activists themselves. Its sources are shared values that become wellsprings of the courage, creativity and hope needed to open new pathways to success. “Transactional” leadership, on the other hand, is about horse-trading, operating within the routine, and it is practiced to maintain, rather than change, the status quo.

The nation was ready for transformation, but the president gave us transaction. And, as is the case with leadership failures, much of the public’s anger, disappointment and frustration has been turned on a leader who failed to lead.

Obama and his team made three crucial choices that undermined the president’s transformational mission. First, he abandoned the bully pulpit of moral argument and public education. Next, he chose to lead with a politics of compromise rather than advocacy. And finally, he chose to demobilize the movement that elected him president. By shifting focus from a public ready to drive change — as in “yes we can” — he shifted the focus to himself and attempted to negotiate change from the inside, as in “yes I can.”

During the presidential campaign, Obama inspired the nation not by delivering a poll-driven message but by telling a story that revealed the person within — within him and within us. In his Philadelphia speech on race, we learned of his gift not only for moral uplift but for “public education” in the deepest sense, bringing us to a new understanding of the albatross of racial politics that has burdened us since our founding.

On assuming office, something seemed to go out of the president’s speeches, out of the speaker and, as a result, out of us. Obama was suddenly strangely absent from the public discourse. We found ourselves in the grip of an economic crisis brought on by 40 years of anti-government rhetoric, policy and practices, but we listened in vain for an economic version of the race speech. What had gone wrong? Who was responsible? What could we do to help the president deal with it?

And even when he decided to pursue healthcare reform as his top priority, where were the moral arguments or an honest account of insurance and drug industry opposition?

In his transactional leadership mode, the president chose compromise rather than advocacy. Instead of speaking on behalf of a deeply distressed public, articulating clear positions to lead opinion and inspire public support, Obama seemed to think that by acting as a mediator, he could translate Washington dysfunction into legislative accomplishment. Confusing bipartisanship in the electorate with bipartisanship in Congress, he lost the former by his feckless pursuit of the latter, empowering the very people most committed to bringing down his presidency.

Seeking reform from inside a system structured to resist change, Obama turned aside some of the most well-organized reform coalitions ever assembled — on the environment, workers’ rights, immigration and healthcare. He ignored the leverage that a radical flank robustly pursuing its goals could give a reform president — as organized labor empowered FDR’s New Deal or the civil rights movement empowered LBJ’s Voting Rights Act. His base was told that aggressive action targeting, for example, Sen. Max Baucus (D-Mont.), chairman of the Senate Finance Committee — where healthcare reform languished for many months — would reflect poorly on the president and make his job harder. Threatened with losing access, and confusing access with power, the coalitions for the most part went along.

Finally, the president demobilized the widest, deepest and most effective grass-roots organization ever built to support a Democratic president. With the help of new media and a core of some 3,000 well-trained and highly motivated organizers, 13.5 million volunteers set the Obama campaign apart. They were not the “usual suspects” — party loyalists, union staff and paid canvassers — but a broad array of first-time citizen activists. Nor were they merely an e-mail list. At least 1.5 million people, according to the campaign’s calculations, played active roles in local leadership teams across the nation.

But the Obama team put the whole thing to sleep, except for a late-breaking attempt to rally support for healthcare reform. Volunteers were exiled to the confines of the Democratic National Committee. “Fighting for the president’s agenda” meant doing as you were told, sending redundant e-mails to legislators and responding to ubiquitous pleas for money. Even the touted call for citizen “input” into governance consisted mainly of e-mails, mass conference calls and the occasional summoning of “real people” to legitimize White House events.

During the 2008 campaign, transformational leadership defied conventional wisdom. Funds were raised in wholly new ways. Organizers set up shop in states that no Democratic president had won in recent times. Citizens were engaged on a scale never before imagined. And an African American was elected president!

Now Obama must take a deep breath, step back, reflect on the values that drew him into public life in the first place and acknowledge responsibility for his mistakes. He must reverse the leadership choices of the first half of his term. His No. 1 mission must be to speak for the anxious and the marginalized and to lead us in the task of putting Americans to work rebuilding our future. He must advocate, not merely try to mediate in a fractious, divided Washington. And he must again rely on ordinary citizens to help us move forward.

Although the stakes are greater than ever, only by rediscovering the courage for transformational leadership can he — with us — begin anew.

Marshall Ganz helped devise the grass-roots organizing model for the Obama campaign. His most recent book is “Why David Sometimes Wins: Leadership, Organization, and Strategy in the California Farm Worker Movement.” He is a lecturer in public policy at Harvard University.


Michelle Obama on her Netflix show and new healthy food initiative: "There's still plenty of time to do some good"

That's just one of the messages behind Michelle Obama's Netflix show, "Waffles +Mochi." The series teaches kids the value of healthy eating, and features key themes of diversity and inclusion, as puppets Waffles and Mochi travel the globe and learn about new culinary traditions.

Along the way, Waffles and Mochi are guided by their mentor, a supermarket manager, played by &ndash you guessed it &ndash Michelle Obama.

"After I read the concept, I thought, this is going to be so good," she told "CBS This Morning" co-host Gayle King. "So, I wanted to be a part of it. But it's funny &ndash "

"But you didn't have to be," said King.

"I didn't have to be. But, you know, I ask the question. It's like, look, I don't want to be Mrs. O., if there's a better Mrs. O out there."

"But I had to tell them, Gayle, I am not an actor. So, I was like, don't give me a bunch of lines. So, it was fun because I could be impromptu, and working with 'Waffles + Mochi,' I love the fact that we're also trying to find a purpose in it, because that's still something that's important to me.

"It sends a message beyond food and fun. You know, there's always a theme about love and acceptance and openness. It's just a gentle reminder to young kids. We want to teach them this rare gift of empathy."

Michelle Obama, with Busy, Mochi and Waffles in the Netflix educational series about healthy food, "Waffles + Mochi." ADAM ROSE/NETFLIX

And now, that mission continues with the former first lady's "Pass the Love" initiative. Waffles and Mochi have teamed up with the Partnership For A Healthier America to provide meal kits to families in need, inspired by recipes from the show. And today, Mrs. Obama is announcing the first target cities.

"We looked at cities where there was need," she said. "And many of our urban areas have been struggling under COVID. So, we could have gone to any city. But Atlanta and Cleveland were sort of primed for this partnership. And we want to bring attention to the fact that in 2021 &ndash is that what year it is?"

"Yeah, I know. I know," laughed King.

"That people are still hungry in one of the richest nations on Earth."

"And what will you do with them?"

"We're going to provide one million meals to families in need, all across the country," Obama said. "So, they're going to get little food packages that are Waffles + Mochi specials, where they'll have the ingredients and the recipes. Easy, affordable. They get it free. But they also find out that they can go back to the stores and do this again. And all these meal kits are going to be healthy, so that all families can follow along with the recipes."

King said, "My children are now 34 and 35. And I wish, you know, cooking is not my forte. I look at how they were raised on Spaghetti-Os, fish sticks, tater tots. And if I had a regret about parenting, that would be it."

"But we were growing up, we were raising our kids in a different time. You know, when we didn't know that all the quick, fast options were not that healthy, we didn't know that. So, that's why the education piece is important. Because we can't beat ourselves up for stuff we didn't know. And now, more and more families understand this. And they also can see that they can cook an affordable meal quickly. Save money and time."

In the years since her family left the White House, Mrs. Obama could have taken some well-earned time off, but she told King she doesn't take for granted the reach of her voice and the unique platform of a former first lady.

"I'm 57," she said. "Barack will be 60 this year. We still have a lot of life left. And so to sit by, you know, when you see all the need and all the stuff that needs to be done, we still feel like we have a responsibility to be engaged in this planet. I mean, I'm still not working at the pace I was working. I still have more freedom to do the things that I want. I'm knitting now!"

"You're knitting? That sounds, no disrespect, but it sounds very 'old lady,'" said King.

"But, you know, it's sort of me. Because I like creating something out of nothing. It's not old lady! I don't want you to come for my knitting community, Gayle!" she laughed. "Don't get me started, because I don't want people to get bored with my little knitting. I made Barack a sweater, a crew neck sweater that he loves."

Has he worn it? "He will," she laughed. "It was finished when it got a little warmer. So, it's ready for him. I made halter tops for Malia and Sasha that they love."

"There's something special about that," said King. "To know that Mom made this for me."

"Yes. It is good. It's good. So, the point being is that, there's time to do it all. There's still plenty of time to continue to work on issues that matter, without sort of being in the middle of it. And let me tell you, it helps to have our President Joe Biden in office. Because, you know, when you have a responsible, mature president in office, it makes it even easier for us to move on to the next phases of the work that we do. Because we're not sitting and worrying every day about what's gonna happen next.


Henry Louis Gates Jr. on What Really Happened at Obama’s ‘Beer Summit’

Henry Louis Gates Jr. is one of a handful of academics who have crossed over into something approaching true celebrity. Which is apparently what happens when you’ve written and edited dozens of books of popular history had a guiding hand in 18 major documentaries on black history, the most recent of which was “Who Killed Malcom X?” and spent six seasons uncovering the genealogical mysteries of famous people as host of PBS’s “Finding Your Roots.” Gates’s desire to reach beyond the ivory tower — in addition to writing landmark works of literary criticism like “The Signifying Monkey,” he’s the director of Harvard’s Hutchins Center for African and African-American Research — was motivated by some very personal feelings. “My brother asked me once,” says Gates, 69, recalling a time when he and his work were less well known, “‘When are you going to write a book that Daddy and Mama can read?’”

There’s no arguing that popular storytelling and factual scholarship can be combined in useful ways. What I’m curious about is your opinion on the limits, if there are any, of that combination. It’s an excellent question. It took a long time for black scholars and filmmakers to feel comfortable representing black historical figures in three dimensions. Take Harriet Tubman. Students think Harriet Tubman was basically leading a train of slaves out of Grand Central Station. But I think the number she saved was closer to 70 — which was a lot, by the way. Or: The myth that our ancestors were kidnapped by jūsu ancestors, David, is just untrue. The fantasy is that my 10th-great-grandmother and -grandfather were out on a picnic and some white people jumped out of the bushes and they ended up on a plantation in Virginia. That’s not how it happened. But one of the things that I’ve dedicated my career to is showing that black people are just as complex, positively and negatively, as anybody else. For years, the mythos that undergirded black history was that the slaves were the victims of European dominance. But really it was the Europeans who were selling guns to African kings, who engaged in wars against other Africans in order to defeat them and then sell the victims to Europeans. I remember once I was asked to consult on a project about Martin Luther King. I said, “You can’t do hagiography anymore.” King was complicated. He had affairs and doubts. He was a flawed person but also a great man, and showing him in his full complexity would make for a better film than pretending he was a walking saint. But the historian who was involved in this project said: “Too many racists. They’re not ready for that.”

Was conciliatory thinking along the lines of “racists aren’t ready for that” in your head in 2009 when you were dealing with the incident with the Cambridge police? Oh, yeah. President Obama made an innocent comment that the arrest was stupid, which it was. Then all of a sudden all these racists are beating up on him. My whole attitude was channeled through the desire to protect our first black president. But there was another motivation. I thought that it would be hubristic and dishonest if I compared what happened to me to what happens to black people in the inner city. I thought, If I didn’t have the protections of class and status —

The outcome would’ve been very different. Taisnība. When the policeman, Sgt. Crowley, and I met, I said, “Why did you arrest me?” He said, “I was afraid that I wasn’t going to be able to go home to my wife, because I was convinced that your partner was upstairs and he was going to come down and blow me away.” He told me he had gotten a call: “Two black guys are breaking into this house.” One of them answers the door — me — when he rang the bell, and I’m stepping over suitcases, because I’d just come back from a trip. Unbeknown to me, one pattern of thievery is bringing empty suitcases to a house. So the officer saw a black face, he saw the suitcases: That’s part of a profile. I was what Barbara Johnson calls “an already-read text.” He couldn’t hear me, couldn’t see me. Well, that might be related to police excesses and abuses, but it’s a far end of the scale, and I was able to reverse what happened to me, unlike an Eric Garner. So my whole reaction to my arrest was determined by two things: The attacks on President Obama and my own determination not to claim too much for my own victimization.

Then when you actually had the “beer summit,” did President Obama say anything helpful, or was that whole thing pro forma? Oh, that’s interesting. I was at Martha’s Vineyard, and I had been getting instructions from the White House, through Glenn Hutchins. They told me not to wear a bespoke suit. “We don’t want it to be about class.” All of the sudden I was the upper-class black person against the working class. I go, “I’m the victim!” They go, “No, don’t wear one of those suits.” I go: “These are the only suits I have. I’m not going out to Sears and Roebuck and buying a suit.” Then they go, “Do not fly down in a private plane.” Glenn Hutchins owns a private plane. Glenn’s a billionaire. He’s one of my best friends. The only way we could get to Washington was on Glenn’s plane, because there was fog. Anyway, we got to the White House, and we and Sgt. Crowley’s family all got to the library at the same time. I walked over to Sgt. Crowley. He had his kids there, and I said to them: “Hi, I’m Professor Gates. Hope you come to Harvard one day. Maybe you’ll take one of my classes.” Then I said to him, “Can I have a word with you?” He and I went off and did the beer summit ourselves. I said, “Look, I don’t know about you, man, but I just want this to go away.” He goes, “This is a nightmare.” I said to him: “The president has come under attack. Racism’s coming out of the floor. I’m sure you’re a decent person. I forgive you. Let’s move on.” He goes, “That would be the best thing that could happen.” I said, “Maybe we could find a way to lecture about it.” He laughed and said, “Anything I can do to get off the beat.” I realized he was funny. I think that gay people have a sense of who’s homophobic. I think that Jewish people have a sense of who’s anti-Semitic. I definitely think black people — I could walk out there and tell you, “That [expletive] is a racist.”

And you’re saying you didn’t get that vibe from Sgt. Crowley? I didn’t get that vibe from him. When we were called into the Oval Office, I said to the president, “Mr. President, we had a great conversation in the library.” He said, “Oh, it sounds like it’s all settled.” The actual beer summit was us doing small talk. And the reason Joe Biden was there is that the Cambridge police had insisted that because there were going to be two black guys at the table, they wanted two white guys at the table! They had sent somebody involved in the Cambridge police structure to be there. As we were walking out to the Rose Garden, somehow that guy got pushed to the side, and Joe Biden jumped in the line. That’s what nobody ever figured out: Why is Biden at the table? He was there to be the second white guy.

As far as you can tell, how much is Biden’s appeal to black voters solely about his association with Obama? Biden, wisely, has wrapped his arms so tightly around Barack Obama that they’re inextricably intertwined, at least in his speeches. He’s polling so positively among black people because of the Obama residue. But that could change overnight. I haven’t endorsed any candidate, because I have too many friends. Elizabeth Warren was my colleague. I did Bernie Sanders’s family tree. In 2018, I got an award in Delaware, along with Joe Biden and Ron Chernow. I spent a whole evening with Biden, and I liked him. All of this is to say that I have been sort of watching the field. But, I mean, I’m going to vote for whatever Democrat emerges. I want to say this right, because I haven’t said this to anybody: Among all the candidates, the person who I believe could stand toe-to-toe, strongest and longest with Donald Trump is Mike Bloomberg.

Kāpēc? Who do you think his constituency is? I know Mike Bloomberg socially. Every summer I go to a dinner on Martha’s Vineyard with Mike Bloomberg. I’ve argued with him about policies that I didn’t like. He is enormously intelligent and capable. When he was mayor, I watched him. He could wear it lightly. It’s not like Jimmy Carter with the weight of the world on him. I think that he’s tough, and I think he could take on the bully Donald Trump. Very few people can stand up to a bully. Mike’s got some bully in him. I think he’s good.

“Stop and frisk” isn’t too much of a problem for him? He faces two problems that he has to overcome. He has already apologized for “stop and frisk,” but he has to put it behind him, and also the Central Park Five. What the city and the legal structure did to those five boys was shameful. The mayor has to put that behind him. If he’s successful doing that, I think black people want him, because he is smart, sensitive, strong. I think he cares about health care. He understands the economic system. This is not an endorsement. But I would support him if he got the nomination.

Something I see your guests do on “Finding Your Roots” is framing their narratives as triumphant ones, and I’d say a similar form of exceptionalism shapes how a lot of Americans think of the country’s past. In what way does our propensity for that kind of thinking inhibit our ability to fully reckon with subjects — like racism and slavery — that don’t easily fit into a narrative of exceptionalism? Because that tension is obviously at the root of the conflict over, for example, the removal of Confederate monuments. I feel as if you and I are sitting here, we’re having coffee, and we hear this noise, and these zombies come out of the floor, and the zombie is white supremacy. We thought these [expletive] were dead. I’m trying to use the popularity of “Finding Your Roots” to get these political messages in there without being a scold. I am trying to deconstruct notions of racial purity. There is no racial purity. We are all diverse. Showing diversity is important to me politically, and insofar as we can achieve that, our series has an educational value for the larger country, particularly at a time when we’re at Redemption redux.

We understand the Redemption era now as a white response to the gains black people made during Reconstruction. Is it too simplistic to say that the energy driving the current moment is also a reaction to black progress and Obama’s becoming president? I’ve spent a lot of time thinking about your question, and I don’t know the answer. If we’re sitting around in a bar with a bunch of black people, they could say, “Barack and Michelle drove all the white people totally out of their minds.” I think that’s partly true. The other thing, though, is that between Martin Luther King’s death and now, the black middle class has doubled and the black upper-middle class has quadrupled. But simultaneously, if you look at the wages of white workers — the chance of your kids doing better than you if you were in the white working class, that’s over. So you might look at a black family in the White House, all these black people who joined the upper-middle class, and there’s a kind of collective “What the [expletive]?”

Which you’re saying resulted in resentment? It’s the curve of rising expectations. When it’s interrupted, people go nuts. After World War II, G.I.s got mortgages so they could live in the suburbs and buy a house, buy a car, then a TV. Their kids could go to college. Their grandchildren could be doctors. That was the promise of America. That promise is over. That drives people crazy, and then they target, they objectify, they need a scapegoat. So it’s not just Michelle and Barack. They are part of the larger phenomenon. To go from them to Trump is a seismic revolution that is the result of a collapse of expectation.

You mentioned college: I went back and read “Loose Canons,” and there’s a line in there in which you say that college students are too old to form but not too old to challenge. How does a line like that resonate today, when challenging students can seem like such a fraught proposition? Political correctness is heinous if it comes from a person on the left or the right or a person of color or a white person. Let’s take a hot-button issue. I wrote the introduction to the 50th-anniversary edition of Albert Murray’s “The Omni-Americans,” and there was this paragraph I wrote last summer that I saw when I was cleaning out my Word files on my iPad. In it I said, “Only people not familiar with this history of slavery or Ta-Nehisi Coates’s recent work would wonder if there was an economic disadvantage to African Americans subsequent to the Civil War because of slavery and then because of the rollbacks of Reconstruction.” I said, “However, reasonable people could disagree about reparations. But,” I continued, “there are few people today who have the courage to stand up within the community and say, ‘I genuinely think reparations is a mistake.’” Now I’m not saying that’s my position. But I’m saying you will find nobody black standing up and criticizing reparations — it’s very rare — because they’re afraid that students are going to boycott them or that they’ll be called an Uncle Tom. That’s not right. We fall apart, particularly in the academy, when we succumb to or perpetuate that kind of intellectual bullying.

What is your position on reparations? I do believe that it’s impossible for any rational person not to understand the cost of 400 years of slavery and then another century of Jim Crow. We have to find ways to compensate for that cost. Affirmative action, to me, is a form of reparations. So is health care — Obamacare or a variant. And there’s reform of public education. One of the most radical things we could do to reform public-school education would be to equalize the amount of money spent per student in every school. That is never going to happen, but that would constitute a radical shift. Those are my three big principles of reparations, and two of the three affect poor people in general. But I’m a scholar of African and African-American history. There were palpable costs to antiblack racism that have had profound effects on the state of black America. These effects are cumulative, and somebody has to do something about it.

In terms of your own writing, you’re a long way from the guy who made his name with a dense academic book like “The Signifying Monkey.” Something like “Stony the Road” is written in much simpler language with much less jargon. How do you make sense of that evolution? “The Signifying Monkey” is my tenure book. I was just trying to get tenure. I was trying to be a bridge between the black tradition and poststructuralism and deconstruction. Then I got tenure, and as far as the evolution of my own prose, once you get tenure, you could write films, you could do anything. A crucial point came when I gave a lecture at Howard University. A friend of mine invited me down to deliver my essay called “Binary Oppositions in Chapter 1 of ‘Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass.’” I thought I was introducing structuralism. When I was done, I expected a standing ovation. The first question I got was: “Yeah, brother. All we want to know is, was Booker T. Washington an Uncle Tom or not?” That had a profound effect on me. I have an ego. I want the audience to be with me. That’s what you see in my evolution.

David Marchese is a staff writer and the Talk columnist for the magazine.

This interview has been edited and condensed from two conversations.


Skatīties video: Америка устала от президента: Барак Обама шутит, но ему уже не верят (Jūlijs 2022).


Komentāri:

  1. Weardhyll

    OGO, beidzot



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